Monday, September 29, 2008

Relogement problématique pour les victimes de Doweiqa

Le 28-09-2008 par Vincent Fortin

Le drame de l’effondrement de Doweiqa, attire de nouveau l’attention sur la pénurie de logement au Caire. Un dossier pourtant d’actualité depuis… quarante ans.

Doweiqa (by Elliott Woods)

Minuit, nouvelle banlieue de Doweiqa. Malgré l’heure tardive, le quartier est en ébullition. Ici, ce n’est pas le Ramadan qui tient éveillé, mais la précarité : le voisinage se précipite autour d’une équipe d’aide alimentaire. Avec pour consigne de reloger des milliers d’habitants qui ont perdu leur logement – ou expulsés de force d’habitations soudain jugées trop dangereuses – un responsable local "distribue" des appartements.

C’est ici que le gouvernement entend prouver sa capacité à gérer le problème des ‘achouiat (logements de fortune), suite au drame de Doweiqa : au début du mois, un pan de la falaise du Moqattam s’écoulait sur un quartier informel, faisant plus d’une centaine de morts, selon un dernier bilan.

Ce problème du logement précaire est pourtant ancien : Dans les années 70-80, l’explosion démographique et l’exode rurale drainent dans les quartiers pauvres du Caire plusieurs millions d’Egyptiens. Aujourd’hui, ils seraient près de 10 millions à vivre dans des logements illégaux.

Les "appartements de Suzanne"

Entre autres actions publiques pour endiguer le phénomène de paupérisation, Suzanne Mubarak lançait en 1999 un projet immobilier de grande envergure : 10 000 habitations gratuites devaient être réparties à travers la capitale, à destination des plus pauvres. Mais à la fin du chantier, l’urgence de relogement semble mystérieusement passée et ces "habitations prioritaires" rejoignent le juteux marché de l’immobilier.

Aujourd’hui, la stratégie d’aide publique laisse les habitants dubitatifs. Nombre de ces immeubles restent inoccupés, alors que certaines familles de Doweiqa vivent encore dans la rue. D’autres seraient forcées de déménager, pour l’exemple. Quant à certaines subventions décidées à la hâte, elles provoquent la colère : "j’ai à peine de quoi nourrir mes trois enfants tous les jours, mais on m’a offert une parabole", confie Heba, 25 ans.

Un problème plus profond

Cet exemple des "appartements de Suzanne" appuie l’image d’un régime plus enclin à gérer la crise au coup par coup, qu’à la racine. Comme un coup de peinture sur une carcasse rouillée, un effet d’annonce. Car le problème posé par l’effondrement de Doweiqa n’est certainement pas celui de turpitudes géologiques. Mais celui de l’exclusion, ancienne et récurrente, d’une immense partie de la population, qui n’a jamais eu l’opportunité économique de s’intégrer à la capitale.

(Photo : Elliott Woods)

Ramadan: generosity, compassion, and gratitude

By Elliot Woods
First Published: September 26, 2008
Elliot Woods
Saleh, a spice vendor in Islamic Cairo, arranges a simple iftar alongside the Salih Najm Al-Din Ayyub mosque.


Elliot Woods
Khan El-Khalili's cafes do a booming business during Ramadan, when friends meet daily for iftar and sohour.


“You came to Cairo at an odd time” — a statement of sympathy from fellow foreigners who’ve lived in the Middle East for a while, expressed upon my arrival in Egypt at the end of August 2008.

I was in Cairo for less than a week before the start of Ramadan. During that week, my new friends grumbled in anticipation of the holy month’s odd business hours, the pre-iftar grumpiness epidemic that spreads across the city in the afternoon, and — perhaps worst of all — the scarcity of restaurants open for lunch.

It wasn’t long before I realized the opportunity at hand — rather than echoing foreigners’ moans about the lunchless, beerless doldrums of Ramadan, why not join in the fun?

“You’re crazy,” my friends said. True, but not entirely. I’ve run a couple of marathons and a few triathlons, and I saw Ramadan as a similar test of discipline with an obvious reward: I would put my mind back in control of my body, and in the process I would come to understand the Egyptian culture in which I’ve chosen to spend a year of my life, maybe more, insha’allah.

“You’re fasting?! ... But why, why habibi?” asked Jehan Allam, director of the Arabic Language Institute, where I began classes on Sunday, Sept. 13. Upon hearing that I am fasting, Egyptians are more credulous than fellow expatriates. Their curiosity and amusement reassures me.

Shopping for my nightly iftar, I see the hollow-eyed languor of the supermarket employees. In those moments, I feel a sense of common understanding, mentally and physically, with Egyptian Muslims. I think to myself, “I too am considering a nap on the floor of Metro Market. I understand.”

At the critical hour, when Cairo’s blood sugar plunges to abysmal depths, shopkeepers sometimes fail to return my masa’ el-kheir (good evening). It’s okay. Friendliness requires energy. I understand.

I understand despite knowing that, like me, many fasting Cairenes are beating the system by staying up late, gorging on sohour, and then sleeping into the afternoon. It’s only fair.

I understand, at 5:30 pm, when my waving hand has little effect on taxis flying down Aboul Feda, in hot pursuit of iftar. And when that first drop of water splashes across my tongue — milliseconds after the muezzin’s call to prayer floats through my window — I know that I’m sharing a simple pleasure with millions of Cairenes: hydration.

For this foreigner, Ramadan is magical, precisely because of the spirit of simple pleasures. I have made new friends and remembered how important it is to share life with others. I have visited neighborhoods all over Cairo — from the quiet, embassy-lined streets of Zamalek, to the enchanted arcades around Khan El-Khalili, to tragedy-stricken Duweiqa. Throughout all districts, simple acts of kindness and generosity have left me humbled.

“Do you know the real meaning of Ramadan?” Mohamed Ashmal asked me one night, as we sipped warm hommous el-sham on the Corniche. I replied, “I know the Prophet demanded that Muslims fast for one month each year to remind them of what it’s like to go hungry. Isn’t it also one of the five pillars?”

My well informed, but somewhat lame answer made Mohamed happy. However, he was quick to remind me that Ramadan, above all else, is about coming closer to God, and about re-orienting priorities and purifying the soul.

Islam requires Muslims to contribute to the spiritual, social and physical health of the umma, or community of believers. In this regard, charity and generosity toward fellow humans are akin to prayer. During Ramadan, additional charities accompany the zakat —the “social pillar” which requires the rich to donate 2.5 percent of their income to the poor.

Businesses, mosques, and community organizations serve iftar each night at mawaed el-rahman, or “mercy tables.” Families pack bags filled with rice, lentils, and juice for distribution among the poor. Even those without means are generous with dates and cups of qamar el-din and erqsous, special Ramadan drinks made from dried apricots and licorice respectively.

It is this spirit of Ramadan — the spirit of hospitality and generosity to strangers — that I continue discovering all over Cairo, in the busy boulevards at dusk, above the din of honking taxis and screeching tires, and in the magical alleys of the old city. Among foreigners, there is a chorus of complaint about the daily annoyances imposed by the Ramadan schedule, and about the License to Grumpiness that many fasting Cairenes carry proudly by late afternoon. Cairenes complain about the same things. But after sunset, when Cairo’s stomachs are satiated and the air begins to cool, there is an aura of peace in the streets — a sweet reward for a day’s abstention.

Nightly iftars have brought me closer to my new friends and opened my eyes to the Cairo’s charms. Each night, I enjoy hearing the mesarahaty’s drum at 3 am, waking the neighborhood up for sohour and the early morning fajr prayer. Usually I am still awake when the masaharaty comes by, eating cereal and yoghurt, drinking water, preparing my body for the next day’s fast. I will miss walking in streets lit by strings of Ramadan lanterns, or fawanees, and I will be sad when the colorful Ramadan tapestries come down at the end of the month.

As much as I have enjoyed learning about Egyptian culture and the Islamic faith through participating in the Ramadan lifestyle, I know that Ramadan is much more than a month of charming traditions, fasting and late night meals. Ramadan is about spiritual ascension.

Over the last month, I have seen Muslims praying in the streets, celebrating taraweeh, reciting the Quran during quiet moments; I have felt the power of prayer, which is the power of human beings willing themselves toward better lives, toward healthier souls.

Here on Earth, Islam requires those who yearn for God to translate their piety into generosity, selflessness, and compassion. Ramadan reminds Muslims that their duty to fellow human beings is sacred; as such, Ramadan transcends religion.

Fasting is not the challenge of Ramadan; rather, the challenge is to keep the Ramadan spirit alive for the rest of the year. One does not have to be Muslim or even religious to accept Ramadan’s challenges — to be more generous, more compassionate, more grateful.

Personally, I have found Ramadan to be enlightening. Late next July, when I encounter a newly arrived foreigner in the street, I know what I will say:

You came to Cairo at a great time. Ramadan kareem.

Thursday, September 25, 2008

Duweiqa Photos

I took these photos in the homes of families who lives above the recent disaster area in the Moqattam slums of Cairo. These families homes are literally sliding off of the cliffs on which they're perched. In some photos, you can see wide cracks in the walls and ceilings, which the residents repeatedly try to fix, to no avail. When I returned to this area two weeks after my first visit, I found that many of these homes had been destroyed by the government. The shantytowns in Moqattam are technically illegal, and it's easier to destroy homes and force the people away than to address the underlying forces driving them into shantytowns. For now, I hope, forced relocation will do. At least it's action of some sort, which is more than the government is usually capable of.

Some of the residents have been given apartments in the Suzanne Mubarak Housing Project, less than a mile away, which sat empty—despite having approximately 10,000 apartments—for nearly a decade, thanks to rampant corruption among housing officials.

Some of the Duweiqa families whose homes have been destroyed by the government are now fending for themselves, as I learned during a phone call from my translator friend last night.






Duweiqa residents move from the rubble to new apartments

By Elliot Woods
First Published: September 25, 2008

Riot police guard the entrance of a newly opened tenement in the Suzanne Mubarak Housing Project, Duweiqa, September 22.



New residents arrive at the Suzanne Mubarak Housing Project, Duweiqa, Sept. 22.

Late Monday evening the Suzanne Mubarak Housing Project in Duweiqa was thrumming with people and machines. Moving trucks, piled high with furniture, snaked through the crowds, entire families jammed into the cabs.

Front-end loaders carted rubble from demolition sites above the recent disaster area.

Charity organizations arrived periodically, tossing Ramadan bags and juice boxes into a frantic sea of outstretched hands. Government officials stood on the balcony of a newly opened tenement, shouting through loudspeakers to the mob below, announcing the names of families whose housing applications had been approved.

Egypt’s First Lady, Suzanne Mubarak, commissioned the Duweiqa housing project in response to warnings from geologists and environmentalists about the grave risk to families living in the shantytowns strung along the Moqattam Cliffs. Construction began in 1999, and 10,000 apartments have been completed to date — but only a fraction of those apartments were opened to the public before the catastrophic collapse two weeks ago, which claimed the lives of over 100 people and displaced thousands more.

Last week, the First Lady said, “I promise the afflicted families that we will solve their problems within days in cooperation with other [government] agencies. … I will personally take responsibility for finding a home for each family that deserves to have one. … I hope that some [residents] don't capitalize on the situation by dishonestly claiming that they are victims of the catastrophe.”

As of Monday night, Mrs Mubarak appeared to be making good on her promise. While many of the stark white, block-shaped buildings remained completely dark, others were fully inhabited, and there were more than a few among the project’s new residents who were eager to thank the First Lady.

A wide smile creased the cheeks of Heba Zaki, grandmother of five, after she received a charity bag filled with rice, macaroni, lentils, and cooking oil.

Heba Zaki’s son Khaled, 33, stood nearby, eager to join his mother in praising Mrs Mubarak. “All of this, everything you see here, is thanks to her,” said Heba Zaki. The Zaki family moved into their new flat one week ago, after the mass evacuation of their neighborhood, Al-Talataat. Heba Zaki lived in al-Talataat for 30 years. As she recounted her story, a steady flow of furniture-laden trucks filed by on the road — Mrs Mubarak has promised to release another 2,000 units in the coming weeks, and the hopeful were arriving in droves.

But there are not enough houses for everyone, and the double line of riot police surrounding the entrance to the most recently opened building suggests that the distribution process is a less than joyous affair. One woman was happy to have received a flat, but angry that her sister — who lived in the adjoining house — had been repeatedly refused new housing, even though her roof caved in.

Charges of corruption are hot on the lips of Duweiqa’s evacuees.

Duweiqa’s displaced, even those who have received apartments, share a common suspicion: over the past decade, government officials have used a system of bribes to restrict access to the Suzanne Mubarak Project, and to reserve the new, solidly-constructed dwellings for their own inner circle.

Faiza, a middle-aged woman who refused to give her last name for fear of governmental reproach, was relieved when her family received a new flat in the Suzanne Mubarak compound. Faiza’s family — which includes a daughter, Heba, 27, four grandchildren under the age of seven, and Heba’s husband, Ahmed — lived in the rubble of their home for three days before the government forced them out of the safety cordon; then, they took to the streets.

Faiza’s family, like so many families in Duweiqa, lacks steady income. Lung disease claimed Faiza’s husband five years ago, and now lung disease has rendered Ahmed, 30, formerly a bus conductor, incapable of working.

Heba’s eldest child, seven-year-old Mohamed, used to help his mother sell tissues in Khan El-Khalili, but now he too has fallen sick. Heba takes Mohamed for free oxygen treatments at a special lung hospital in Aboul Reesh, but when free treatments are not available, she must shoulder the cost of inhalers on her own. A single inhaler costs LE 106, well out of reach for a woman like Heba, who earns between LE 60-80 per month.

Two of Heba’s children suffer from eye infections, which Heba and Faiza attributed to contact with water and air contaminated by rotting corpses.

Heba’s youngest child, still nursing, had large lesions on his forehead and appeared weak and malnourished. “Most of our food comes from Ramadan charities, not from the government,” Faiza said. “We are worried that when Ramadan is over, we will have nothing.”

After Ramadan, Faiza’s family will have two very important things: first, they will have a new flat, away from the dangerous cliffs; second, they will have a steady supply of running water. Education, employment, and proper medical care, however, will probably remain elusive. And for most of the residents of the greater Manshiyet Nasr region, Suzanne Mubarak’s flats will also remain inaccessible — the area is home to over one million people, while the housing project has room for only 80,000.

Work crews were busy demolishing homes on the edge of the Moqattam Cliffs as late as 1am, Tuesday, Sept. 23. Dozens of children sifted through the wreckage, collecting steel rebar and wires for sale in the underground recycling market. Hundreds of crumbling homes have already been leveled, but thousands remain, only a few meters from the edge.

Those still living in the shantytowns are eager to leave, but they have nowhere to go. And as Ahmed Samir, a laborer, told Daily News Egypt, shantytown construction continues apace. “The government will try to stop construction, but they can’t,” he said.

The irony is hard to miss—in slums like Duweiqa, illegal construction is one of the only viable industries.

Living on the edge, waiting for more than promises

By Elliott Woods
First Published: September 12, 2008

Ola, a resident of Hara Abu Khamal, in Manshiyet Nasser, inside her crumbling kitchen. A large crack is visible on the wall opposite Ola.



View from a flat overhanging the disaster area, Manshiyet Nasser, Wednesday, Sept. 10.

CAIRO: In the dusty street outside her home, just above the newest disaster area in Moqattam, Ola waves a yellowed, tattered housing permit. The permit, over 20 years old, allows Ola and her family to occupy one of the original government flats in the Moqattam Hills — but the arrangement was only supposed to be temporary, Ola insists. “We keep asking the government, when will we be able to move? The government makes promises, but nothing happens.”

Manshiyet Nasser and Duweiqa residents are hopeful that the recent tragedy will spur the government to action, not just promises. They know hundreds of housing units are available in Cairo, part of Suzanne Mubarak’s “gift” to the poor. They also know similar tragedies have occurred in recent years with little action resulting.

People living in the Moqattam slums were afraid of the rock before it crashed down on them last Saturday. Similar rockslides have claimed scores of lives since the region was first settled over three decades ago. A conspicuous gray scar on the cliffs marks the scene of a 1993 slide that killed thirty.

Inside her home, Ola points to the one-inch-wide crack that runs from her storage room into her kitchen, across the ceiling and down two walls. On the edge of a cliff exactly like the one that fell Saturday morning, Ola’s home is literally sliding from its foundation. Ola’s neighbors revealed similar structural flaws in their walls, ceilings, and foundations. Residents patch gaping cracks with plaster and cement, but gravity pulls them open again. Some of the cracks are big enough to serve as skylights.

With the official death toll over 70, the biggest boulders remain unmoved, and an untold number lies beneath the rubble. But “rubble” is not an accurate description of scale: viewed from above, the size of the boulders is staggering — individual boulders are as tall as the cliffs themselves, as wide as a half-dozen homes. Entire houses remain buried, along with whole families — and the stench of the unseen dead is rising.

Construction equipment onsite as of Wednesday — when this reporter made his way past the guards, into the hills — consisted of two backhoes, a grader, and a lot of hands. Saint Simon may have moved Moqattam with prayer, but the current effort will require heavy equipment and ingenuity — and much more of both than was present on Wednesday.

The latest reports from the Middle East News Agency (MENA) say that, as of Friday, Sept. 12, heavy equipment has been temporarily set aside in favor of chemical treatments that will dissolve the rock, breaking it into moveable pieces. Even after the debris has been removed, however, the larger problem of the slums will remain largely unaddressed.

Thousands of living slum residents are financially trapped in crumbling flats, without hope of economic or geographic mobility, perched on the edge of disaster.

While Egypt has seen marked growth in the 21st century, little of that growth has trickled down to places like Manshiyet Nasser and Duweiqa, where the economy is as stagnant as the ditchwater lining the alleys. Garbage collection and the underground recycling industry cannot provide for everyone. Since the government cannot stimulate growth across social strata, it must care for the overwhelming majority left behind; hence the controversial bread and fuel subsidies. And, when the government cannot subsidize the poor, it abandons them.

Haret Abu Khalaf, the alleyway where Ola’s family lives, is teeming with boisterous children. Children are good at making lemonade out of lemons, as the expression goes. Watching the Abu Khalaf kids play, taunting each other atop piles of garbage, the slum’s endemic environmental and economic crisis seems far away. But parents like Ola have little to smile about.

Gravity is a grave concern, but there are other, more insidious threats to the slums’ populations. Obviously, living amidst garbage comes at great epidemiological risk. Children lack access to schools and adequate medical care, and clean water is often hard to find. Noxious fumes from the smelting of toxic materials carpet the district at night, when the air is heavy with humidity, causing chronic respiratory problems. Without consistent work in the mainstream economy, Moqattam families live hand-to-mouth.

The government has promised to relocate people living in the most endangered areas of Manshiyet Nasser and Duweiqa, and to open the area to traffic, by late Friday. None of the residents Daily News Egypt spoke to had been advised of the impending move. Moreover, mass relocation — a daunting project that will not happen overnight, if it happens at all — will reduce only the most superficial threat to people living in the crowded hill slums. Moving people out from under the cliffs will not move them into the mainstream.

A long-term, focused plan for economic revitalization, one that creates a place for residents of places like Manshiyet Nasser and Duweiqa in the mainstream economy, offers the only hope of alleviating the systemic poverty at the foundation of Cairene society. Anything else is just more of the same: empty promises, insincere condolences.

In the meantime, far from consoled by the relief effort, Haret Abu Khalaf families told Daily News Egypt, “We are so scared, we can’t sleep at night.”


Tom & Jerry: man's struggle animated.


I woke up at about two in the afternoon today. It’s okay though, because I didn’t sleep until after six in the morning. Last night my new roommate Vincent and I passed a “nuit blanche.” That’s French for “all-nighter.” We began the evening at Mamo’s house, in a downtown neighborhood close to the Egyptian Museum. Mamo and I had been trying to plan something for awhile, and we finally settled in an iftar at his apartment. Marie, his wife, is in Paris at the moment, making final preparations for the birth of her and Mamo’s child. Mamo will go to Paris at the end of December, for three months, insh’allah.

Vincent and I brought some finger foods from the supermarket below our building. We brought a mixture of olives, pickled onions, and sautéed carrots, half a kilo of soft cheese with peppers, pita, and dried figs. Mamo was busy in the kitchen when we arrived, whipping up some beans and rice. As soon as we heard the muezzin, we reached for our glasses of water, soon to replaced by tamarind juice. We downed dates and lamb stew, scooping up olives and cheese with our pitas. It was great. And after it was all over, we drank tea and watched cheesy Ramadan soap operas. Vincent and I smoked a few cigarettes, Mamo smoked something else. Soon the discussion turned to the cartoons that flitted across the television, on mute, to the lilting melodies and tribal drumbeats of an Egyptian jazz group called West al-Balad. First Tom & Jerry, and then Tom & Jerry, Jr. We watched silently, soaking in the meager breeze from a small oscillating fan at one end of the room. Post-iftar is all about relaxation, feeling a full stomach and pondering the wonders of something so simple, so corporeal and eternal, as a dried date. Nourishment in the desert, alhamdullilah.

Tom & Jerry, like most classic cartoons, is all about the struggle of the little against the large. Tom, in the tableau, is the lumbering but likeable villain, powerful and resourceful, but also clumsy and shortsighted. Jerry, like Speedy Gonzalez, Road Runner, and Bugs Bunny, is the underdog—or the undermouse, as it were. Jerry is a tiny morsel of prey, but he is quickwitted, fast, and cunning. Tom & Jerry—in what is certainly the masterplot of Western history, if not human history—represent archetypes that are so well known to us that we often fail to recognize them. Jerry’s struggle—the one we are subconsciously compelled to identify with—is the classic battle of the weak against the strong.

How much further can we extend the metaphor? Tom is power incarnate—he is huge in comparison to Jerry, with sharp teeth and giant claws, and, like Wiley Coyote, he has access to an endless supply of weapons, traps, and other assorted mouse-catching/killing equipment. Jerry can never take a single step out of his mouse hole without looking both ways, over his shoulder, above and below. Jerry lives under constant threat in Tom’s house, the metaphoric representation of the societal infrastructure in which we all live, usually incorporated in the form of government, but something as simple as a tribal or community council will do. Tom is the power behind the system, and the system is out to get Jerry—and it’s out to get you too.

Luckily for Jerry, he’s a crafty little son-of-a-gun. With the ease of a jiu-jitsu master, Jerry deftly turns hapless Tom’s force against him. Jerry is always on the run, but he is also always thinking one step ahead, always anticipating Tom’s next move, always looking for a new place to hide, a new trick to stash up his sleeve. Jerry always has the last laugh.

But have you ever noticed that Jerry’s laugh is a bit cruel? If we take a few steps back from the television, breaking the spell that the powerful leitmotif has on us, and force ourselves to look at the tableau before us with diligent scholarly criticism, we soon realize that Tom, as much as Jerry if not more, deserves our sympathy. Whereas Jerry’s wishes are always fulfilled—he always gets away, he always gets the cheese—Tom’s wishes are always frustrated. He suffers from a punishment befitting Hades. Who was it that was stuck down there, dying from dehydration, standing before a wide, clear lake, and every time he began to approach the water it would recede just out of reach? Well, there you go—such is poor Tom’s lot, only he’s not guilty of anything other than being a cat. So not only are we taught intrinsically to hate Tom, since he is the obvious enemy in the equation, but our hatred is completely irrational. We, as humans, are no more mouse than cat, or vice versa. To hate Tom and view his eternal struggle to catch Jerry unsympathetically, let alone condemn him, would be as silly as hating a lion on Discovery Channel for chasing baby wildebeests. Is simply unjust.

After far too much analysis, I happened upon the real question posed to us by Tom & Jerry and all of their Hannah Barbara and Warner Bros. cousins: it’s not, “Are you more Tom, or more Jerry,” but rather, “Taking for granted that all of us contain Tom-like and Jerry-like forces competing within our psyches at all times, is it possible to determine, objectively, which Tom-like and Jerry-like forces to accentuate, and which to diminish?” Are you lumbering through your life, chasing after the object of your desire, never looking past the moment of fulfillment, never asking yourself, “What is it that I really want, and how best to get it?” Or better, “Do I really need it?” Tom, for example, receives daily feedings from his mistress; he certainly does not need Jerry’s protein-rich mouse flesh to survive. Yet, like an addict, he drives himself to the brink of insanity chasing that tender little morsel day and night—for nothing. Wouldn’t he be better of taking a catnap? And Jerry—why does he continue to live in a house with a giant cat? Ahhh—dare we suspect that his identity has been so consumed by the daily struggle that he would feel lost and empty without it? Is he an adrenaline junky, perhaps? Or is he addicted to the sense of purpose he gets from understanding his place in the world, that of an oppressed person fighting against an indefatigable enemy, one boobytrap at a time?

Either way, as Tom & Jerry, Jr. shows us, this is a fight that will continue throughout the generations, on the television screen, and in all of us. But it’s only a cartoon. You, the viewer, have the power to stop the fight from raging within yourself. Who is your Tom, and who is your Jerry? Are you someone’s Tom? Someone’s Jerry? Think hard, and maybe you can stop running around in circles for a while. Unless that’s what you like to do.

* * *

At about 9 p.m., we walked to the French Cultural Center in a region of downtown called Munir. We were going to West al-Balad’s concert, which the cultural center was putting on for free as part of their Ramadan celebration. The music was even better live than on CD, as is usually the case, and the environment was wonderful. The cultural center—one of many in the city, there’s a Dutch cultural center too, and several Egyptian ones—has an open-air stage and courtyard in the center of the building, and that’s where the concert was. It was packed, but thankfully a breeze picked up, washing away the afternoon heat and even some of the pollution. There were a quite a few foreigners, but the audience was mostly made up of young Egyptian men and women. Many of them knew all the words and sang along, though there wasn’t much dancing. The music was a wonderful fusion of Oriental melodies and vocals with Latin and African drumbeats, running the gambit from reggae to salsa to ancient Arabic ballads. I can’t wait to see them again, but more than the music I was pleased by the peace I found there.

Saturday, September 13, 2008

“On fait un apéro le jeudi soir,” Guillaume’s e-mail said, “Viens s’il tu veux, ver 21h.” And so, on Thursday night, by way of a chain of acquaintances, I found my way to a party in Garden City chock full of French people. High-rise apartments gobbled up the gardens long ago, but the district retains its quiet, colonial charm. Guillaume’s apartment was spacious and airy, with hardwood floors and 19th century-style moulding. The company was very welcoming, I dare say ebullient. I am guilty of harboring an abundance of Francophile sentiments. This attribute is well known among friends and family. Standing by the bar, cutting slices of saucisson, listening to the sleekest language in the world slip from the tongues of worldly, hip young people, I was very happy to have accepted Guillaume’s invitation. Unlike their Louisiana cousins, continental French people do not use the expression “Laissez les bons temps rouler”—this is pure pidgin artifact—but faces did light up when I mentioned that I drove across America last month.

“Have you ever been to New Orleans?”

“No, I haven’t. But I’d love to go someday, if it still exists when I get back home.”

Insh’allah.

I had fun responding to the question, “Tu connais qui ici?” And the more elaborate, more vague, “Comment est-ce que tu es arrivé ici?”—a polite way of saying, Who the hell are you, and what the hell are you doing here? For the first hour, I was the only foreigner (non-Frenchman) in Guillaume’s apartment, and I did my best to speak mostly French. Thankfully, when I had to resort to English, everyone understood. Thank God for the global language, however hegemonic it may be. After awhile, a German girl showed up, then a Russian guy in white jeans, a white jean jacket, white shoes, and a white t-shirt, all matching, flying under the Armani flag. That’s when the good times started rolling.

Alas, I discovered that I am human. The nearly full bottle of Pastis Ricard perched atop the bar, all alone, was an impossible temptation. Just as tempting were the bottles of chilled white wine floating around the room, fresh from France. Merde, je vous dis, je suis un homme faible! The good news is that I’m not actually Muslim, so even though I felt like a sinner, I wasn’t actually compromising my piety by pouring several glasses of that milky, anise flavored dream liquid down the hatch. Words are not adequate to describe the wonders of pastis. I know of only one man whose enthusiasm about the beverage matches mine: my dad, Ed Woods, Francophile Extraordinaire, Linguiste Tragique. Sometimes I consider trading it all in, giving up everything I have—my career, my home, my financial empire, my wife and kids—and moving to a tiny village in the south of France, where I could while the days away, happy and drunk, not to mention well-hydrated, with a gaggle of delightfully provincial peasants. Okay, so what if I don’t have a house, or a career, or a fortune, or a wife and kids. The lack of these things doesn’t tarnish the dream.

Everyone thought the story about “The Barn” was pretty funny. In brief—my dad, my brother-in-law, and I drank an entire bottle of pastis, in a little gazebo, at a farm in Normandy. It was the summer of 2003, during the heat wave, or canicule in French. I remember brushing my teeth, and I even remember reading for a while before going to sleep. Dad snored contentedly, like a lawnmower, in the bed next to mine.

I woke up to peace and quiet, in a barn. How I wound up in the barn, I have no idea. But as I picked myself up off of the mildewed sofa, where I had slept, wedged in a dank corner, next to a broken armoir and a huge pile of hay, I began to suspect foul play.

Blame it on the pastis.

I got a laugh each time I tried to explain how I wound up at the party. Well, you see, my sister is married to a French guy, and his older sister has a friend whose younger brother is Guillaume. “Which Guillaume?” There were three Guillaumes at the party—it was a Mohammad-esque moment en français—but only one Guillaume who lived there. Guillaume has been in Cairo for nearly three years, working as a freelance journalist and learning Arabic. We’re a dime-a-dozen here, it’s amazing, and a little bit weird. As the guests rolled in, the question was always, “Qu’est-ce que tu fais ici, en Egypt?” The old and quite boring icebreaker, whaddya do? Hesitantly, I would respond, “I am studying Arabic and working as a freelance journalist.” To make things simple, the Academie Française deigned to allow the word “freelance” into the French language. So the answer, when I posed that most boring of questions, was often, “Je fais freelance.” Ah, I would respond, moi aussi.

There were quite a few regularly employed journalists at the party too, including a woman who writes for Agence France Presse (AFP) and guy who writes for a local French language magazine and produces bits for Radio Belge. Also in the company was a Canadian woman, Rebecca, who is an assistant editor at Egypt Today Magazine, an English language monthly. Rebecca is from Vancouver Island. I once almost visited Vancouver Island by ferry, but I backed out of the ferry line when I realized that the roundtrip ticket cost nearly a hundred dollars.

They have a lot of orcas around Vancouver Island, and they smoke a lot of pot. Not the orcas, the people who live there. Although, maybe the orcas smoke pot too. It is British Columbia, after all. I was there to snowboard . . .

Aside from the would-be journalists and the legit ones—who, combined, numbered about twenty—there was an engineer, a marketer, a businessman (how vague, un homme des affaires), and an older French-Algerian man, Youssef, with explosively curly hair. Youssef works in tourism, but looked more like an artist. His lament of current American foreign policy began with the age-old disclaimer: “I like Americans—no, I love Americans—but I have many problems with your government.” D’accord, mon ami. On y va.

Youssef was most vocal about the American tendency to do what I just did, refer to Americans as Americans and to the United States of America as simply, well, America. Youssef leaned in with a conspiratorial glare, “Mois, et mes amis,” he said, almost whispering, an eye half-winked, fingers pinched for emphasis, “On n’appelle pas les americains americains. On les appelle etats-unisiens.” I laughed. I couldn’t help it. United Statsians? Give me a break! It sounds silly, and it’s grammatically absurd.

The argument that Americans should cease and desist from referring to themselves as Americans is a well-worn and, in my opinion, tired argument that makes for energetic semantics, but has never actually mattered. It’s a novel revelation in Ché’s Diarios Motocicletas that people from both continents, North and South, are Americans. Chés brief treatment of the subject is poetic and heartfelt—he aspires to understand the geographic and cultural ties that bind the continents and people together, over and above national boundaries, and he resents the suppression of Latin American identity by the dominating country everyone referred to and still refers to as America. (Ironic that he helped establish one of the most nationalistic, fascist governments in the world. Ah, the heady days of global insurrection. What I wouldn’t give to have lived then. But then I’d have to do all of this with a real journal, as in, paper. And film! I’m ready to quit just thinking about it.)

I don’t know how much time Ché spent on that particular talking point while sitting around the campfire with guerilleros in the Congolese jungle, but something tells me the grownup Ché had bigger fish to fry, or shoot, or sabotage, whatever. Forty years after Ché, the world has a lot of reasons to be upset with America—oops, the United States—but here, I pray, cut us some fucking slack. Or, alternatively, get a life. Start bitching about things we are all guilty of. Waste, exploitation of resources (human and natural), condescension in all affairs global and local, etc. There’s not a one of us in the West who doesn’t profit from European and American dominance over the rest of the world. Look at the tag on your t-shirt, Youssef. Unless you’re living totally off the grid, you’re only marginally better than a colonial parasite. It’s just the way it is, but it will change, it has to change, and we can manage to work toward positive development and keep our t-shirts too.

I find that Americans, across the Red and Blue chasm, are as happy to bitch about their own government, citizenry, and politics as any foreigner [is happy to bitch about America]. I, for one, have sat patiently through scores of United States-bashing sessions at home and abroad. I have defended [and assaulted] my country conversationally against [and with] all sorts of folks, foreign and domestic, brown and white, Muslims, Christians, Arab fundamentalists as well as angsty teenage Wiccans.

But the game rarely changes courts. If I were to go on an Egypt-bashing session, or a France-bashing session, with denizens of those respective countries, I might very well see receptive nods on the other side of the table—but my point is, this rarely happens. To delve into the failings of the Egyptian government in recent years would be cherry-picking. Its failure to address systemic poverty, nay, its utter disregard and even contempt for the poor, keeps most of the authoritarian-ruled population trapped in slum conditions. The rockslide that happened last weekend, I gather, is a relatively minor tragedy in comparison to the poverty crisis, which is a generational catastrophe. I could drone on and on about the French higher education system and the palpable, truly institutional racism that exists there.

But I’d much rather talk about cheese and pastis. I’d rather talk about how much I love sitting at the cafés, how much I love the language, and how beautiful I think French culture and people are. I’d rather wax nostalgic about “The Barn,” and the freakish pony that was eyeing me romantically from a few inches away. (Okay, this last detail I made up. It makes the story better. There was a pony, but he/she was in a pasture behind our cottages, not in the barn. He stuck his head in the window on the day that we arrived, and dad thought that was great. I don’t know what happened between them later that evening. Therein, I suspect, lies the truth about my unconscious eviction and forced removal to the Barn.)

I have yet to turn the lens back on the home countries of my respective interlocutors during these American-bashing sessions, in which I usually bide my time and try not to be too defensive (because I agree with most everything that’s said). My neck is getting strong from nodding in feigned agreement, which is good, because I’m not getting any other exercise and I’m withering from the Ramadan diet. But were I to do so—were I to begin asking questions about the history of France or Egypt or wherever—it wouldn’t take long to reach the inevitable conclusion. The Disclaimer: People from [Nation] are not the same as the [National] government.

Of course the irony is that, as far as governments go, and especially as far as really really powerful governments go, the American government is pretty well-behaved, and even manages to do a lot of good for Americans—sorry, United Statesians—as well as for people around the world. Yesterday I read in The Daily News Egypt that the United States is in the process of transferring $5 billion in agricultural aid, in the form of wheat shipments, to Iran. Iran had virtually no wheat crop this year because of a drought. So who steps in, puts antagonism aside, and prevents Ahmedinejad’s government from being swallowed up by bread riots? Farmers from Illinois and Nebraska, via the Federal Government of the United States of America. The same relationship between American government and American people—those two factions that do not resemble one another—is providing food to just about every other country on earth too. I know, I know, I know, calm down. “USAID actually cripples native agriculture everywhere it’s disbursed,” you say, holding true to the uber-pessimistic view of the United States you adopted in college, sitting between armchair philosophers and other assorted paper tigers, in between bong hits. True enough in many cases, though I’m not convinced there’s a conspiracy to kill developing countries by bombing them with sacks of millet.

When nature intervenes, and a country like Iran completely fails to produce the millions of tons of wheat necessary to feed its population, USAID can be a good friend to have. USAID can also be a good friend to have when your government and economy are so weak, so hopelessly riddled with corruption and inefficiency, that the average citizen barely manages hand-to-mouth existence. We, the people and government of the United States of America—Americans, as it were, or United Statsians, if you prefer—certainly need to do a better job of stimulating sustainable economic growth in the developing world, and I think there are a lot of Americans and American institutions that are working pretty damned hard at it.

I met a bunch of them last night, at a U.S. Embassy party. That’s a story for another time.

Wednesday, September 10, 2008

The Giza Plateau

















On Monday morning, I toured the Giza Plateau, which is home to the three Great Pyramids and the Great Sphinx. I promise to write more about the brief journey out to the only surviving wonder of the world, but time's short right this minute, and the pictures speak for themselves.

In brief, the pyramids are staggering. They are bigger than I imagined, and from up close they induce a slight feeling of nausea. Viewing the pyramids from a few feet away vs. viewing them from several hundred meters away is akin to viewing one of Seurat's paintings from up close and from a distance—the magic is in the perception.

The government has undertaken measures to reduce the amount of hawkers at the pyramid site itself. We arrived early in the morning, and when we left at about noon there still weren't many around. Some of the cities poorest neighborhoods run right up to the Giza Plateau, and the city lies under a blanket of smog when viewed from above. It's sad—our guide, an Egyptologist at AUC, who's only about 35, said that when she was a teenager one could see the city clearly, under blue skies, any day of the week. Those days are gone, but perhaps they will return. The pyramids have outlasted scavenging treasure hunters, sandblasting by powerful desert winds, and millenniums worth of gravitational pull. Something tells me they might outlast this iteration of the City of Sand as well.

In these photos, you'll see an altercation between an older hawker and a younger hawker that resulted in the younger one receiving blows. That is not the Ramadan spirit.

I got a kick out of the Joan Collins character that got caught in the middle.

Khan el-Khalili

Saleh and his son, relaxing after iftar.




Saleh's iftar spread.


A hopeful kitten underneath Saleh's table.


Saleh's assortment of spices.

Tuesday, September 9, 2008

“You look pissed off man, smile.” So was I greeted as I stepped out of a cab in front of the Hussein Mosque in the famous market district of Islamic Cairo, Khan el-Khalili. Islamic Cairo, also known as Old Cairo, is contained within the walls of the original palace city, built by the Fatimid Dynasty in the Ninth Century. You see, Cairo is not very old as far as cities go. The Egyptian kingdom had several capitals in the ancient period, notably Memphis, during the Pharaonic period, and Alexandria, during the Greco-Roman period. Cairo was a relatively modern invention, and it didn’t begin as a population center, but as a walled city for Egypt’s Fatimid elite. The population center, where the artisans worked and markets were held, was several kilometers to the south. Over the years, the population crept closer and closer to the city walls, until eventually they made their way in—and occupied every square inch. Now Islamic Cairo is one of the poorest, most densely populated areas of the city. The elite, as the story goes, have moved on to the suburbs.

Khan el-Khalili is famous for its markets, which are perhaps even more famous for their hustlers. The man who advised me to cheer up was one such hustler, and his quip is an example of a popular technique. Catch the tourist off guard by commenting on something like a facial expression or an article of clothing, perhaps even insult the tourist, until the tourist feels compelled to defend himself. Then begin a conversation. Then say something like, “Okay, let’s cut the bull. I own a small shop that sells papyrus and inlaid boxes. Would you like to come and see?” The first half of the scheme worked well enough on me—as in, I felt compelled to defend my mood, because I was actually feeling pretty good—but the second half fell lame. I was only there to explore and snap a few photos, and I told the man as much. “Why you come to Egypt,” he shouted as I walked away, “you gotta be cool in Egypt. Why you come here?”

I was walking with a girl named Sarah. She came to Egypt about a month ago, but spend her first three weeks in a Red Sea town called Dahab, roughly equivalent to Cancun, but maybe without the Girls Gone Wild crowd. She’s here to freelance with the local English-speaking newspapers, and she wanted to write a story about Khan el-Khalili during Ramadan. It’s supposed to be more relaxed, not so infested with hustlers. At the very least, the hustlers are said to be a bit lethargic during the hours before iftar, making a stroll through the crooked, cobblestone streets of Islamic Cairo pleasant, perhaps even quiet. When Hustler #1 returned, he chose to target Sarah. “Where you from?” he asked, which happens to be the Most Popular Ploy. Depending on the tourists response, the hustler knows where to set his prices, and how much of a sucker he’s likely to have on the line. Sarah didn’t answer, affecting instead the glass-eyed gaze that offers the tourist’s only defense. Any verbal contact, however hostile, encourages rather than deters. Since I’d already hurt this guy’s feelings, he said to Sarah, “You must be Canadian. But you [looking at me], you’re a bit snotty. You’re probably American.”

I’m telling you, these guys are good. After a few remarks like that, it’s hard not to step into the ring, if only to dispel the stereotypes about one’s country that one is particularly sensitive about. But “snotty?” I would never think to describe Americans as “snotty” tourists. Tacky, yes, but snotty? His choice of words amused more than offended, especially since his accent was almost perfectly British. “Hmmph,” he might have said, turning up his nose at a tea engagement gone sour, “you’re a bit snotty.”

Passing over the highway that runs past the Citadel, toward the City of the Dead and Maadi, we entered into the less touristy, more Egyptian half of Khan el-Khalili, where real Egyptians come to shop for spices, textiles, and assorted knick knacks. For example, a parent knee-deep in Back to School shopping could easily find a Barbie backpack, or, for a few pounds less, a knock-off Berbie backpack. I saw a few of those, wondered if Berbie was a pun on Berber. As the streets darkened, shopkeepers began setting out iftar spreads. A spice vendor along the wall of the Salah ad-Din Ayyub Mosque invited us to join his family for iftar. The quiet was worth noting. There were no cars, and the few motorbikes that were crisscrossing the square moments before had disappeared. “Sit, sit, sit,” Saleh beckoned. So we sat.

Any hesitation I felt about sharing in this family’s repast, a humble affair to say the least, quickly vanished. Saleh was relaxed and very welcoming. His wife, Muna, wore a full burka, but behind the veil her eyes darted back and forth between Sarah and me, and she laughed as her son Khaled translated our simple conversation into Arabic. She held her two year-old niece in her lap. The girl, who was screaming before iftar, fell fast asleep in her aunt’s arms. Small cats mewed underneath the table. Salah scooped a dollop of tomato stew onto a pita crust and set it on the cobblestones. The cats swooped in, tiny things. Cairo cats rarely grow larger than big kitten size, and when they do, they’re all bones. We ate with our hands, using pita to pick up mouthfuls of rice and stew, and to soak up a soup made from pine nuts, cucumber, and garlic. This was a traditional iftar, a small meal meant only to break the fast, to tide one over until sohour, the larger meal of the evening. We drank homemade licorice water and tamarind juice. After everyone had finished, a man came around with a tray of tea. We added sugar and dried mint. After that, we drank fresh guava juice, served by a boy with a tray, who waited as we gulped the pulpy substance down. A neighborhood man came and nodded to Saleh, and to Sarah and me. Barely slowing, he dropped two packets of dates onto the table. With a smile, he was off.

Now this, I thought, is the spirit of Ramadan.
“American people are not the same as American government,” a common refrain, heard this time over the gurgle of shisha pipes, the Nile slipping silently by only a few feet away, awash with the broken-up reflections of neon lights from mosques, storefronts, and other riverfront cafés exactly like the one in which we sat. Mohammad is a day trader for the largest bank in Egypt. In a pressed designer shirt, open to the third button, black slacks, and slick shoes, he would breeze past the doorman at any New York nightclub. In the United States, however, where he travels often for business, Mohammad does not slip so easily past Transportation Security Administration officials. Worse, they regularly harass him. Hence the guarded statement: “American people are not the same as American government.”

In the summer of 2003, in the Paris Metro, I sat next to a disheveled man of about sixty with an academic air about him. He was holding a battered briefcase, wearing tweed. He eyed me up and down before asking me, with a heavy French accent, “Are you a real soldier, or just pretend?” I was wearing a Valley Forge Military t-shirt with an Army patch sewn onto the right sleeve, nothing officially designating me as a member of the military, but enough to suggest I might have a connection. “A real soldier,” I replied. Seconds later, he rose. We’d come to his stop: Cluny-La Sorbonne. As he squeezed past me, he said, “Please tell your country to be more fair to us zee next time.” It wasn’t hostile, not even rude. The man—a professor, I imagine—seemed genuinely disappointed, maybe even hurt. I have never forgotten the feeling I had in my stomach after that encounter.

That was the day I realized how callously George Bush had taken the American ideals of democracy, justice, and moral clarity, and dragged them through the mud. They had been tarnished before, plenty of times, but never so badly during my lifetime. And Bush should’ve known better. We all should have known better.

Since that summer, I’ve heard the refrain over and over, all over the world, in various formations. Sometimes it’s subtle, something as simple as, “I love American people.” But usually it follows the prescribed format, a declaration of understanding that amounts to, “I know you and your countrymen have totally lost control of your government, and I can forgive that.” Because that’s what it means; to say that the American people and the American government are not the same is to say that the politics do not represent the polis, or, “We the People.” Ergo, our democracy is not representative. But what if the worst is true? What if our government does represent the people? What if we have only ourselves to blame? What if our responses to the September 11 attacks were arrogant, selfish, and reckless, not as a government, but as individual citizens?

Nationalism is a frightening thing. While nationalism and patriotism are bedfellows, the latter implies a heart-and-soul connection to a country, while the former implies only rote obedience, or worse, a collective submission to power. Virulent nationalism gave birth to Hitler and gave the Nazis carte blanche in their campaign of terror and genocide. Nationalism, not patriotism, enabled Joseph McCarthy to turn the American justice system into a diabolical charade. In the fervor of nationalism, ideals are dismantled, and individual citizens are completely disregarded. All of this happens in the shadow of our flag. In these instances, the flag shields the nation’s eyes from its own internal destruction.

In the month after September 11, I put an American flag magnet on my Volkswagen Passat. My mother placed a similar magnet on the rear hatch of her car. Most Americans, it seemed, were eager to express their solidarity with fellow citizens. We grieved together. Quickly, however, grief turned to fear, fear turned to hatred, and the impulse toward collective sorrow ground toward collective vengeance. Soon, American flag magnets were joined by stickers with phrases like, “Terrorist Hunting Permit,” and a seemingly harmless word, “Pride,” printed over the image of a waving flag.

Pride is one of the seven deadly sins. Wrath is another. Vengeance still another. As a country, and as individuals, we have fallen prey to these sins, allowing pride to mask our wrath, seeking vengeance over understanding.

It all happened so fast. I can remember passing through the security checks at Dulles as a kid with pocket knives and other assorted blades in my carry-on, on my way to Minnesota for the annual wonder week of fishing and waterskiing at a family friend’s home. When I passed through security coming into Atlanta from Kuwait, in a special line, after deplaning from a U.S. Army chartered flight, the T.S.A. official confiscated my Gerber multitool. There I was, coming home from the “war on terror,” arguing in my socks after my flight, about a pocket knife. Surely something was and is amiss.

Mohammad told me about his worst encounter with Homeland Security, one that happened, of course, when he was running for a connection. He was traveling to Los Angeles for business, carrying in his suitcase a brand new Hugo Boss dress shirt that he’d purchased the year before, only to decide, upon returning to Egypt, that the sleeves were too short. The T.S.A. officials gave him a hard time because of his Egyptian passport. They made him open his bag, and when an official saw the unwrapped shirt, he snatched it and demanded an explanation. Now, I don’t know too many shirt smugglers who carry one-shirt-payloads (actually, I don’t know any shirt smugglers at all, but I’m sure they exist), so the absurdity of this situation should be clear. The official made Mohammad empty his bag onto the table. “Why did you buy this shirt a year ago, and you still haven’t returned it?” they asked. “Because I haven’t returned to Los Angeles,” Mohammad replied, “and I’m about to miss my flight.” An inane interrogation ensued, and eventually Mohammad was sent on his way. He missed his flight.

In the same way that I tell my American friends, “Oh, don’t be put off by French waiters, it’s not you, they’re just as rude to the French,” I tried to explain to Mohammad that it’s not only profiled travelers from the Middle East who get searched, that grandmothers from Middle America—slices of genuine white bread from the heart of the American bread basket—get searched too. I’ve seen wheelchair-bound seniors carted off to the inspection area, all because they showed up a few minutes late or changed a flight at the last minute. All in the name of National Security? Give me a break.

In my experience, I have found that first impressions are eerily reliable. So what does it portend when an international traveler’s first and last experiences of America regularly come dressed in maroon sweater vests, size 52 black polyester slacks, and bad attitudes? We are projecting to the world, in this miniscule way and in many others, an image of fear and retrenchment.

The police-state atmosphere of our airports is symptomatic of our national insecurity. We are insecure about our position in the Middle East, about our own role in creating terrorism and terrorists, and about our national identity and purpose. This chronic insecurity is, perhaps, as great a threat to our country as any terrorist could pose. In our insecurity, we have allowed the federal government to consolidate executive power; we have submitted to, and sometimes encouraged, violations of our civil liberties by the federal government; and, we have stood by while our government has illegally detained and tortured foreign nationals. This, I believe, is exactly what the terrorists wanted. This, certainly, is what they want today.

I do believe that there are forces in the world that conspire to bring the United States, and everything they stand for, crashing down. I am not opposed to calling certain among those forces “terrorists,” nor do I shy from calling their brand of war making “terrorism.” Some terrorists are Arabs. Some are American. We would do well to remember that Timothy McVeigh killed as many people in Oklahoma City as the London Tube bombers killed in 2005. We would also do well to fight the war on terrorism judiciously, professionally, and discriminately. By that last word, I mean that we should no more allow our officials to harass Arabs in our airports, just because they are Arabs, than we should allow state troopers to harass Blacks, Latinos, or anyone else. When we do allow such behavior to greet our visitors, we make Osama bin Laden’s claims true—we show ourselves as racist, hostile people, or at least our government portrays us thus.

For me, the saddest thing about the destruction the Bush administration has wrought in the last eight years is that the American ideal—always part myth, party reality—has been so badly tarnished. Iraq and Guantanamo have made it very difficult for people around the world who once looked up to America and to Americans, for their energetic embrace of freedom, and for their economic, technological, and artistic innovation.

America, after Bush, is a less inspiring place. Past Presidents have violated civil liberties and recklessly invaded sovereign states, to be sure, but after Nixon, and especially after Vietnam, Bush should have known better. We all should have known better. America, after Bush, is not categorically different from any other country where government disregards the will and interest of its citizens in favor of its own agenda. Regardless of whether or not we “win” in Iraq, whatever that means, we will have a hard time undoing the damage done to our reputation. We will have a hard time reestablishing ourselves as a “beacon of freedom,” for all the world the follow.

I suppose there’s not much that we can do about the behavior of T.S.A. officials and their ilk, other than object to their condescending snippiness when we see it (I never hesitate to remind particularly rude officials of their obligation to behave professionally, though my own remarks, alas, are not always perfectly professional). We can, however, manage our own engagements with foreign travelers and foreign expatriates living in the United States. We can show them, as many have clearly shown Mohammad, that “American people are not the same as American government.” As I mentioned earlier, I have heard this sentiment from many mouths, in many tongues. Until the day comes when that phrase is no longer necessary, I will vote for a government that will characterize itself by behaving according to American values instead of merely boasting about them, all the while eroding them under the cover of “national security.”

It’s important to remember that, more than angry about American retrenchment, people like Mohammad are disappointed. Under oppressive regimes, they have looked to America with great hope. This is something we need to understand, not abuse. Our hope lies in our democracy, not in our armories.

Saturday, September 6, 2008

It’s 2 a.m. and I just returned from the Goal Café, just a couple of blocks away on Oum Khalsoum Boulvard, facing the Nile. Theo called at about midnight to tell me that he’d run into two Iraqi friends that he’d told me about previously. Abu Bashr and his wife wanted to meet me, he said, and I sure as hell wanted to meet them. I was under the impression that these Iraqi friends were young—in fact, Abu Bashr is in his forties and he has three children. His wife, whose name I didn’t catch, unfortunately, appears younger, but perhaps she has simply aged more gracefully. They have three youngish children, one of whom was patiently contenting himself with Abu Bashr’s cell-phone while he waited for social hour to end. I don’t know if kids stay up this late all year long, but they definitely stay up late during Ramadan. A lot of people stay up until the sohour hour and then sleep all day, so maybe that’s what Abu Bashr’s family plans to do.

Abu Bashr wanted to talk about one thing and one thing only: the war. I expected that he would want to talk about the war, though I decided I wouldn’t be the first to mention it. Abu Bashr took all of five minutes to begin his litany of complaints about the American occupation and the rampant corruption that began tearing his country apart toward the end of 2003. He is a civil engineer by trade, and his firm contracted often with the Coalition in the early years of the war. He told several stories about contracts that paid Kellogg, Brown & Root (KBR) contractors hefty sums while doling out pittances to the Iraqis who actually brought them to completion, out under the Iraqi sun and amidst the anti-Coalition forces that made his life a living nightmare. “In 2003,” he said, “Americans, Iraqis, everything okay.” It was after the first battle of Fallujah in April, 2004, according to Abu Bashr’s account, and especially after the second battle of Fallujah in November of that year, that things really started to fall apart. And as things began to tumble, Abu Bashr’s company was there to pick up the pieces—unfortunately, his was an exercise in futility. More frustrating than the destruction consuming his native Baghdad was the corruption and lopsided contracting that seemed to make reconstruction impossible. Abu Bashr listened as Civil Affairs officers discussed construction projects with KBR contractors, he heard the contractors rattle off sums like $100,000 or $30,000, and he felt personally wounded when his share of the contract came through, always a mere fraction of the sum paid to KBR. Worse, he watched as KBR contracted construction companies to rebuild the same sites over and over again in a moneymaking scheme. I’m not sure how jaded Abu Bashr’s memories are—I’m sure he embellished certain details, and I’m sure his anecdotes would carry far more authority in his native Arabic—but I am sure that his memories strike closer to the mark of what I saw in Iraq and what the American people are beginning to learn about than the proclamations of successful reconstruction efforts constantly proffered by the Bush administration.

“Fraud, Waste, and Abuse” is the term the Army uses to describe any situation that results in improper expenditure of American resources. It’s no secret now that KBR abused their no-bid contracts: spending fortunes on fleets of brand new SUVs, one for each employee in some places, no matter how little driving that employee did or how low on the totem pole he or she happened to be; paying base level employees outrageous salaries, double or triple the salaries of young enlisted soldiers and only a sliver of the same exposure to danger, and almost none of the contractual obligations. Abu Bashr’s stories brought all of the anger I felt toward the Coalition Provisional Authority and Paul Bremer surging to the fore. And what could I say? I just said, “Yes, it’s terrible. KBR is Ali Baba.” Ali Baba is Iraqi slang for “thief.”

Friday, September 5, 2008

Photos from the Souk